The Guardian, Palestine-Israel, Media, LiteratureAugust 13, 2008 2:15 am

He was seven when - in the Nakba of 1948 - he fled from Birweh, his village in the Galilee. At the age of 12, living in Deir el-Asad, in what had become Israel, with a reputation as a precocious child poet, he was asked to compose a poem for a public reading. The occasion was the celebration of Israel’s "Independence Day" and the poem he read described the feelings of a child who returns to his town to find other people sleeping in his bed, tilling his father’s lands. He was summoned to the military governor who told him that if he continued to write subversive material his father’s work permit would be revoked. That incident set the tone, I think, for Darwish’s life.

 Ahdaf Soueif in The Guardian on the death of Mahmoud Darwish.

The New York Times, Palestine-Israel, MediaJune 16, 2008 1:15 pm

"Rice Says Houses Hurt Mideast Talks"

JERUSALEM — Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Sunday that thousands of housing units that Israel is building on captured land were harming peace talks with the Palestinians. She also said she could not understand why Israel was still blocking three Fulbright grantees from leaving Gaza.

NYT 

Palestine-Israel, MediaApril 17, 2008 8:28 pm



A video collage I made for an Alternative Media seminar. The assignment, to “curate” some YouTube video.

Counterpunch, Palestine-Israel, PhotosApril 7, 2008 3:55 am

My father was a man who always defied the notion that one can only be the outcome of his circumstance. Expelled from his village at the age of 10, running barefoot behind his parents, he was instantly transferred from the son of a landowning farmer to a penniless refugee in a blue tent provided by the United Nations in Gaza. Thus, his life of hunger, pain, homelessness, freedom-fighting, love, marriage and loss commenced.

The fact that he was the one chosen to quit school to help his father provide for his now tent-dwelling family was a huge source of stress for him. In a strange, unfamiliar land, his new role was going into neighboring villages and refugee camps to sell gum, aspirin and other small items. His legs were a testament to the many dog bites he obtained during these daily journeys. Later scars were from the shrapnel he acquired through war.

More of Ramzy Baroud’s eulogy on Counterpunch

The occupied West Bank, looking toward the sprawl of Maale Adumim, Israel’s largest settlement, August 2007.

Palestine-Israel, MediaMarch 9, 2008 8:00 pm

"The Israeli foray left many Palestinian civilians dead."

So understatement. Say perhaps that rockets fired by militants from Gaza had killed five or ten Israelis in the past week. Would the New York Times have reduced that to a "Palestinian foray that left a few Israelis dead." Of course they wouldn’t — there would be obituaries within news articles on the Israeli dead, and longer reports on the anxieties of 100,000 living in Ashkelon. But 120 dead Palestinian — reportedly a third of them children, uninvolved save for the fact that they were born in the prison of Gaza under occupation, blockade and air strikes — are not eulogized, are reduced in the euphemism of "many Palestinian civilians dead," consistently in the context of Israeli air strikes aimed at curbing terrorist rocket fire — a "foray" into a strip of land populated by a million and half desperate and starved people.

Palestinian rockets are never framed as retaliation for an on-going blockade, or as violent resistance to a 40 year occupation. Israeli bombs however are tactical strikes with regrettable consequences, whether in Gaza or Lebanon.

None of this is new, whether the bias of different deaths accounting for different journalistic language or the outrage at such moral deficiencies in the New York Times and wider American press not to count Muslim or Arab lives as equal lives. It only echoes what Judith Butler wrote in 2002, that "a frame for understanding violence emerges in tandem with the experience, and that the frame works both to preclude certain kinds of questions, certain kinds of historical inquiries, and to function as a moral justification for retaliation."

The New York Times is barely concerned with reporting on experiences of Palestinians that do not include celebrating rocketry or fitting into an unexplainable "cycle of violence" — or, if you like, "The Chronic Crisis of Gaza: Air Strikes and Rocket Attacks." There are in fact discernible political and historical factors that have created this current crisis in Gaza — who funded Hamas during the first Intifada? Who stoked the recent civil war in Gaza? — but it’s easier, and beneficial to the twisted mathematics of one dead Israeli justifying 30 dead Palestinian kids, to skirt those in favor of the rhetoric of cycles, something chronic and unexplainable.

Last week Isabel Kershner in the Times called Katyusha rocket attacks on Israel "unprecedented" and advanced the view that they were "an escalation of the conflict." What did it call the mounting Israeli air strikes and new round of dozes of dead Palestinians, specifically 54 last Saturday? "Israel Takes the Gaza Fight to Next Level."

Hundreds of Palestinians have been killed since the so-called peace conference in November. But the Times continues to propel a view that only Israeli victims can escalate the conflict and that the Palestinian dead and injured should be the second or third detail in news stories. The peace process is doomed by homemade rocket fire on fields and scattered apartments, not by bodies pulled from buildings flattened by smart bombs. Palestinians dying that way ought to be normalized in how we view this "cycle of violence," as the Times covers it. Heed the Israeli army spokesman quoted last week: after all, Hamas fighters firing rockets at Israeli civilians are war crimes.

Last week’s Israeli air strikes on 10 year-old boys playing soccer were acts of state security. And please, if you can, forget about them quickly.

America, Palestine-Israel, MediaFebruary 6, 2008 4:32 am

"What is your position on Palestinian property rights?
- John Arthur Wills, 61, Oakland
Sen. McCain: There can be no secure future for the region without a secure Israel at peace with neighbors that recognize its right to exist. U.S. policy must ensure that Israel retains its qualitative military edge in the region. Only a strong Israel can have the confidence to strike a permanent peace with the Palestinians, a peace I will seek as President. But such a peace can only progress when Palestinians abandon terror as an instrument of policy and show a capacity for self-government."

 Via the Angry Arab.

Palestine-Israel, MediaFebruary 4, 2008 5:36 am

I lived more than half of my life in the US and I never felt the alienation that I felt on the day I read George Habash, the Palestinian revolutionary who passed away last week, labeled as a "terrorism tactician" in a front page obituary in The New York Times. What do you when they want to convince you that a kind and gentle man you met and respected as a person is a terrorist when you know otherwise? Do you quibble with their definitions to no avail? Do you go back and see how they wrote glowing obituaries for Zionist militia leader and later Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, a man whose record of killing civilians is as horrific and grotesque as that of Osama Bin Laden, former Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin, Fatah Revolutionary Council founder Abu Nidal or Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet?

As’ad AbuKhalil, "George Habash’s contribution to the Palestinian struggle," at the electronic intifada.

Palestine-Israel, MediaJanuary 31, 2008 5:51 am

 

New blog at Source Palestine, a working bibliography on the Palestine-Israel conflict: politics, history, literature and the media.

Photo from Daily Mail. Eight inches in Jerusalem.

Palestine-Israel, LiteratureJune 19, 2007 1:50 pm

 

In the book he recounts how he had just completed his Latin final when he meets a friend who announces excitedly that war has broken out and that the Israeli Air Force has already lost 23 planes: "Comments fly around, assured and doubtful. I tighten my right fist on the bottle of Pelican ink that is always with me in exams. Until this day I do not know why with my arm I drew a wide arc in the air and, aiming at the trunk of that palm tree, hurled the bottle of ink with all my strength so that in that midnight-blue collision it burst into fragments of glass that settled on the lawn."

Forty years later, I ask him if he knows why he did it and what he was feeling — excitement, anticipation, uncertainty, fear? Did he ever imagine that what unfolded could have done so?

A little late on the Six Day war anniversary. Read more of the interview at electronic Intifada, and Mourid Barghouti’s book, I Saw Ramallah.

Cairo, Daily Star Egypt, Palestine-IsraelFebruary 23, 2007 10:39 pm

A story I wrote for the Daily Star last week on a few American students who went to Palestine. Photo by friend Greg Jeske, a documentary photographer and student at AUC.

The New York Times, America, Palestine-IsraelFebruary 22, 2007 10:01 am

 

With Palestinian frustrations rising — and demographers predicting an eventual Palestinian majority between the Mediterranean and the Jordan — just saying no is not a viable option for Israel. The responsibility of the United States, as Israel’s most vital ally, is to keep that uncomfortable reality firmly in Israel’s sight.

The Times warns demographics will rear their head sometime in the future, thus bringing a shift to historical population levels. It doesn’t mention that the local, Arab population in Palestine always vastly outnumbered the Yishuv — until 1948, mass explusion, and the advent of exclusion laws. 1967 helped too. But colonization is a stinging word, and rather than look back on that, the editorial board wants to warn Americans of this surprising, novel, and "uncomfortable" reality ahead.
Maybe Times readers just don’t care for history, or the Times doesn’t want them to.

Photo: Galilee, October 1948, Palestinians fleeing to Lebanon.

Counterpunch, America, Palestine-IsraelNovember 12, 2006 8:46 pm

 

So the Democrats swept Congress, although the feeling and excitement of the moment was muted by being far away in Cairo.

I volunteered briefly for the DNC in Boston in 2004, working at post-convention parties and attending one night of the convention (by chance the night of Barack Obama’s keynote address). His speech aside, I was disillusioned by the big money, big party pomp of a political convention; my job as a "Finance Volunteer" was to direct people to the bar at the Science Museum party and stand around looking formal, accepting compliments from drunk delegates trying to get into the roped-off VIP area to see Wesley Clark.

There is some lingering disappointment in this Democratic sweep, since I know a shift in parties does not mean a shift in American policy in the Middle East. This is not directed at Iraq; our interests will leave us in Iraq for a few years no matter who is in power. Oil and stability are too precious.

This is directed at the elephant that is the Palestine-Israel conflict and the connected conflicts between Israel and neighboring Arab states. American politics is stuck in a dialogue about Israel’s right to defend itself, the monolith of "militants" and "extremists," and an apparent need to either look tough on security, appeal a vague idea of "the Jewish vote," or listen to AIPAC (probably all three). Today’s rejection of the UN Security Council condemnation of the Beit Hanoun killings is John Bolton’s work, to be sure, but it’s hard to think that a Democratic-appointed UN representative would act any differently.

The big faces and talking heads of the party have clear positions when it comes to Israel. Last summer, Chuck Schumer, Harry Reid, and Dick Durbin condemned Iraqi PM Nuri al-Maliki’s statement about Israel’s bombing of Lebanon, threatening to boycott his then-upcoming speech to Congress. In the House, Rahm Emmanuel and Nancy Pelosi echoed their calls.

What, after all, had the Iraqi PM said?

That the international community should "take a quick and firm stance to stop this aggression against Lebanon, to stop the killing of innocent people and to stop the destruction of infrastructure. What is happening is an operation of mass destruction and mass punishment and an operation using great force that Israel has — and Lebanon does not."

Not off the mark, if you look at the rubble, but deniable if you’re a Democrat or a Republican in Congress.

Late last summer, NY Democratic Rep. Anthony Weiner, who once wanted to be mayor of New York City, tried to bar a Palestinian delegation at the UN. They "should start packing their little Palestinian terrorist bags," the Congressman said of the delegation. Weiner later wrote a letter to Columbia urging the firing of Joseph Massad, a professor of Arab politics for his "displays of anti-Semitism."

Here is one of the briefings on AIPAC’s website after the election:

AIPAC Builds Ties With New Lawmakers
AIPAC reached nearly every lawmaker elected in Tuesday’s mid-term congressional elections as part of its effort to educate political candidates on the value of the U.S.-Israel relationship. During the campaign that ended Tuesday, nearly every viable candidate met with AIPAC professional staff members and submitted a position paper summarizing his or her views on U.S. Middle East policy. A non-partisan organization, AIPAC has for decades worked with Republican and Democratic members of Congress to strengthen the ties between the United States and Israel.

Nancy Pelosi is a definite improvement over Dennis Hastert. But here’s Pelosi at an AIPAC delegation in May 2005, via Counterpunch:

"There are those who contend that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is all about Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. This is absolute nonsense. In truth, the history of the conflict is not over occupation, and never has been: it is over the fundamental right of Israel to exist."

Apparently Pelosi has never asked a Palestinian what they think of Israel’s brutality. Not that she hasn’t witnessed the occupation first hand; Pelosi is just not concerned in the least with the Palestinian resistance.

"This spring, I was in Israel as part of a congressional trip that also took us to Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq," said Pelosi. "One of the most powerful experiences was taking a helicopter toward Gaza, over the path of the security fence. We set down in a field that belonged to a local kibbutz. It was a cool but sunny day, and the field was starting to bloom with mustard. Mustard is a crop that grows in California, and it felt at that moment as if I were home. And then we were told that the reason we had to land in that field, as opposed to our actual destination, was because there had been an infiltration that morning, and they weren’t sure how secure the area was. And that point alone brought us back to the daily reality of Israel: even moments of peace and beauty are haunted by the specter of violence."

Yes. And perhaps if Pelosi had gone over that security fence and into Gaza, she would have seen that violence is not a specter in the Occupied Terrorties, like it is in the mustard fields of Israel that remind Pelosi of California.